Ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court in Romer v. Evans
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Quotation:
"Amendment 2 classifies homosexuals not to further a proper legislative
end but to make them unequal to everyone else. This Colorado cannot do. A
State cannot so deem a class of persons a stranger to its laws. Amendment 2
violates the Equal Protection Clause..." Justice Kennedy of the U.S.
Supreme Court writing for the majority in the Romer v. Evans case of (1996).
1
"The people of Colorado have adopted an entirely reasonable provision
which does not even disfavor homosexuals in any substantive sense, but merely
denies them preferential treatment. Amendment 2 is designed to prevent
piecemeal deterioration of the sexual morality favored by a majority of
Coloradans, and is not only an appropriate means to that legitimate end, but a
means that Americans have employed before. Striking it down is an act, not of
judicial judgment, but of political will." Justice Scalia, writing for the
minority. 1
Overview of the case:
Many municipalities in Colorado have passed anti-discrimination ordinances
which prohibit discrimination based on race, religion, gender, etc. in areas of
housing, employment, education, public accommodations, health and welfare
services, etc. Some municipalities went further and included sexual orientation
in their list of protected classifications.
In 1992, Colorado voters approved Amendment 2 to the state
constitution by a narrow margin (54% to 47%). According to the U.S.
Supreme Court decision, it would have prohibited "all legislative, executive,
or judicial action at any level of state or local government designed to protect
the status of persons based on their 'homosexual, lesbian or bisexual
orientation, conduct, practices or relationships'." 2
Some municipalities, civil libertarians, gays and lesbians initiated a
lawsuit, "Romer v. Evans, to have the Amendment declared unconstitutional.
They sought and received a preliminary injunction from the trial court, thus
preventing the Amendment from ever being implemented. The injunction was upheld
by the Colorado Supreme Court. The trial court and the Colorado
Supreme Court agreed that Amendment 2 infringed the fundamental right of
gays and lesbians to participate in the political process. They found that
Amendment 2 had violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The U.S. Supreme Court agreed on
1996-MAY-20, and the Amendment was history. The vote was 6 to 3, with
Justices Scalia, Rehnquist and Thomas dissenting. These were the identical three
judges who dissented in the Lawrence v. Texas
case in 2003-JUN.
A number of projects underway in other states, which might have resulted in
similar Propositions and Amendments being passed, were abandoned because of this
ruling.
Anti-discrimination ordinances:
"In early 1991, a group of citizens in Colorado Springs became concerned over the passage of local ordinances
in several Colorado municipalities." 3 Prime examples were
the cities of Aspen, Boulder, and Denver which prohibited discrimination
based on the basis of a person's sexual orientation in employment, housing and
public accommodations. Other items of concern were at the State level. For
example:
Governor's Executive Order No. D0035 (1990-DEC-10) which prohibited
employment discrimination for "all state employees, classified and exempt"
on the basis of sexual orientation
Colorado Insurance Code, (1992 Supp.) which forbade health
insurance providers from determining insurability and premiums based on an
applicant's, a beneficiary's, or an insured's sexual orientation. 2
Metropolitan State College of Denver prohibits college
sponsored social clubs from discriminating in membership on the basis of
sexual orientation.
Colorado State University has an antidiscrimination policy
which encompasses sexual orientation. 1
Will Perkins and other conservative Christians formed a group called Colorado for Family Values. Their
prime goal was to repeal all
such laws and regulations. The Fundamentalist Christian group, Focus on the Family, located in Colorado Springs, CO gave a donation to CFV.
Focus was one of five conservative Christian para-church groups represented on the CFV board. 4,5
There were two conflicting interpretations circulating in Colorado about
these ordinances, state laws and executive orders:
Colorado for Family Values and other religious conservatives
described the regulations as granting "minority
status protections to homosexuals, not granted to any other citizens."
3 That is, the regulations gave special privileges to gays
and lesbians that were denied the heterosexual majority, and the bisexual
minority.
Gays, lesbians, the U.S. Supreme Court and others
held an opposing view: that these ordinances and laws protect everyone from
any discrimination that they might suffer because of their sexual orientation.
Specifically, it protects:
Heterosexuals -- the majority of adults who are sexually attracted to members of the opposite
gender,
Homosexuals -- a minority of adults who are attracted to persons of the same gender, and
Bisexuals -- a smaller minority who are attracted to persons of both genders, although not necessarily
to the same degree.
Thus, heterosexuals, homosexuals and bisexuals are all protected to the
same degree.
Since terms such as homosexual, lesbian, gay and
bisexual do not appear anywhere in the regulations, it seems that the
interpretation by homosexuals and the courts is correct: homosexuals and
bisexuals were not given any special privileges by these regulations. The
conservative Christians were factually incorrect. However, they conducted a masterful
advertising campaign. The author was in Colorado at during the lead-up to the
Amendment 2 plebiscite and noted that many
people -- of all religious persuasions -- honestly believed that gays and
lesbians were seeking or were being given special privileges in the state.
Amendment 2:
In 1991-AUG, the CFV, aided by the Fundamentalist Christian National Legal
Foundation, wrote a proposed amendment to the state constitution. It said:
"No Protected Status Based on Homosexual, Lesbian, or Bisexual Orientation.
Neither the State of Colorado, through any of its branches or departments, nor
any of its agencies, political subdivisions, municipalities or school districts,
shall enact, adopt or enforce any statute, regulation, ordinance or policy
whereby homosexual, lesbian or bisexual orientation, conduct, practices or
relationships shall constitute or otherwise be the basis of or entitle any
person or class of persons to have or claim any minority status, quota
preferences, protected status or claim of discrimination. This Section of the
Constitution shall be in all respects self-executing." 2
It is obvious that the scope of the Amendment -- in the words of the U.S.
Supreme Court -- "...does more than repeal or rescind these provisions. It
prohibits all legislative, executive or judicial action at any level of state or
local government designed to protect the named class, a class we shall refer to
as homosexual persons or gays and lesbians."
Amendment 2 would have:
Repealed all existing municipal and country ordinances, state laws, and
Executive orders, school board policies, library policies, etc. which
protected persons from discrimination on the basis of their sexual orientation.
Repealed any regulations which protected homosexuals or bisexuals. This is
a theoretical possibility, because no such regulations are believed to have existed at that time or
exist today.
Prevented any new regulations from being passed and implemented
that would have protected anyone from discrimination because of their
orientation.
Allowed regulations to be passed and implemented which gave special
privileges to heterosexuals.
At first, gays and lesbians were confident that the Amendment would fail. Tea
Schook, led the opposition. She first realized that the Amendment might be
approved when
she observed a focus group of women from Douglas County who had been assembled
to discuss the election. "That was supposed to be our voter. We watched how
one very poisonous woman turned a bunch of people who really didn't have an
opinion into some very rabid, queer-hating people. We didn't know how much of a
shoo-in hate really was." Polls in the advance of the plebiscite showed that
the Amendment would fail. However, polls only reflect the beliefs of a random
sampling of all adults.
The do not necessarily indicate the beliefs of adults who are sufficiently
motivated to vote.
On 1992-NOV-3, the voters of Colorado adopted Amendment
2 by a vote of 53.4% to 46.6%. According to the National Legal Foundation,
this prevented their state legislatures and all local "governments from
granting protected status to a group of individuals based not on an inalienable
physical characteristic, but on a chosen lifestyle." This comment
demonstrates two very common
beliefs among religious conservatives:
That homosexuality is a chosen and
changeable behavior; it is what homosexuals do. Religious liberals, gays, lesbians, bisexuals, mental
health therapists, human sexuality researchers and others generally believe that
homosexuality is actually an immutable, unchosen and unchangeable sexual
orientation; it is what homosexuals are.
That groups should only be protected against
discrimination based on immutable factors, like sex, race, and skin color, etc. They
reject the concept that people should be protected from discrimination
based on chosen factors. Since they regard homosexuality as a "chosen
lifestyle," they
feel that homosexuals should not be a protected class. They overlook the
fact that people choose the religion that they wish to follow. Yet they demand freedom from
religious discrimination.
The trial court case:
The National Legal Foundation reported that:
"Almost immediately, the homosexual forces struck back, challenging the
constitutionality of Amendment 2." The "homosexual forces"
actually consisted of a
coalition of gays, lesbians, civil liberties groups, and representatives from
some Colorado municipalities. They initiated a lawsuit in the District
Court for the City and County of Denver. One ironic
twist is that Governor Romer had been on record as opposing the Amendment. Yet "he
was named in his official capacity as a defendant, together with the Colorado
Attorney General and the State of Colorado." 1
The plaintiffs asked the trial court for an immediate temporary injunction that would prevent the Amendment from
being activated. The injunction was granted. An appeal was then taken to the
state Supreme Court which sustained the injunction. The Supreme Court also
determined that the Amendment should be "subject to strict scrutiny under the
Fourteenth Amendment [of the U.S. Constitution] because it
infringed the fundamental right of gays and lesbians to participate in the
political process." 3 The Fourteenth Amendment
guarantees that people will be treated equally under the law. "Under a strict
scrutiny standard, a statute is examined using two tests:
First, does the law promote a compelling state
interest.
Second, does it do so in the least restrictive
means possible." 3
In the trial court, "The State's principal argument in defense of
Amendment 2 is that it puts gays and lesbians in the same position as all other
persons. So, the State says, the measure does no more than deny homosexuals
special rights." 1 The court rejected this argument, and found for the
plaintiffs. Later, the U.S. Supreme Court commented: "This reading of
the amendment's language is implausible."
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The appeal to the Colorado Supreme Court:
The case was appealed to the Colorado Supreme Court
who "held that there was a 'fundamental right to participate equally in the
political process,' and that Amendment 2 denied homosexuals their equal
participation. In order to have their grievances met, homosexuals would have to
pass a future initiative that would overturn Amendment 2. This appeal to the
voters of the entire state was ruled to be over-burdensome" since gays,
lesbians and bisexuals are such a small minority. 3
The court found that "the amendment withdraws from homosexuals, but no
others, specific legal protection from the injuries caused by discrimination,
and it forbids reinstatement of these laws and policies."
The court was factually in error here, because the Amendment also withdrew legal
protection from bisexuals.
The Colorado Supreme Court also found for the
plaintiffs.
The appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court:
Justice Kennedy wrote the majority decision. He rejected the assertion that
Amendment 2 simply deprived homosexuals of "special rights" which were not shared
by the rest of the population. This was the argument used by Colorado for
Family Values during their publicity campaign which lead
up to the plebiscite. The court ruled that, under Amendment 2, "Homosexuals
are forbidden the safeguards that others enjoy or may seek without constraint.
They can obtain specific protection against discrimination only by enlisting the
citizenry of Colorado to amend the state constitution or perhaps, on the State's
view, by trying to pass helpful laws of general applicability. This is so no
matter how local or discrete the harm, no matter how public and widespread the
injury. We find nothing special in the protections Amendment 2 withholds. These
are protections taken for granted by most people either because they already
have them or do not need them; these are protections against exclusion from an
almost limitless number of transactions and endeavors that constitute ordinary
civic life in a free society."
The court also found "that Amendment 2 did
discriminate against an identifiable class of people and violated their rights
to due process and equal protection under the law. The court held that Amendment
2 was based in 'animus,' or hatred, against a specific group of people." 3
In unusually frank language, the court found that "the amendment has the
peculiar property of imposing a broad and undifferentiated disability on a
single named group, an exceptional and, as we shall explain, invalid form of
legislation. Second, its sheer breadth is so discontinuous with the reasons
offered for it that the amendment seems inexplicable by anything but animus
toward the class that it affects; it lacks a rational relationship to legitimate
state interests.... Amendment 2 confounds this normal process of judicial
review. It is at once too narrow and too broad. It identifies persons by a
single trait and then denies them protection across the board. The resulting
disqualification of a class of persons from the right to seek specific
protection from the law is unprecedented in our jurisprudence."
In conclusion, Justice Kennedy commented: "The primary rationale
the State offers for Amendment 2 is respect for other citizens' freedom of
association, and in particular the liberties of landlords or employers who have
personal or religious objections to homosexuality. Colorado also cites its
interest in conserving resources to fight discrimination against other groups.
The breadth of the Amendment is so far removed from these particular
justifications that we find it impossible to credit them. We cannot say that
Amendment 2 is directed to any identifiable legitimate purpose or discrete
objective. It is a status based enactment divorced from any factual context from
which we could discern a relationship to legitimate state interests; it is a
classification of persons undertaken for its own sake, something the Equal
Protection Clause does not permit....We must conclude that Amendment 2
classifies homosexuals not to further a proper legislative end but to make them
unequal to everyone else. This Colorado cannot do. A State cannot so deem a
class of persons a stranger to its laws. Amendment 2 violates the Equal
Protection Clause, and the judgment of the Supreme Court of Colorado is
affirmed." Amendment 2 was dead.
Dissenting argument:
Justice Scalia wrote the dissenting argument. He made a number of points:
He noted that in the decision of Bowers
v. Hardwick(1986), the Court had determined -- ten years
earlier -- that states had a constitutional right to define homosexual behavior
as criminal acts. He implies that the Court had ignored this precedent.
Instead, he feels that they treated "opposition to homosexuality is as
reprehensible as racial or religious bias."
The U.S. Constitution says nothing about homosexual bias. Thus, it is left
up to Congress, state legislatures, and state constitutions to resolve the
issue.
Amendment 2 would have prevented "special treatment of homosexuals and
nothing more." For example, if the Amendment were in force, retiring
homosexual state employees would still be treated in the same way as
heterosexual employees in terms of a pension. However, it would prevent the
State or any municipality from giving a death benefit to the life partner of a
homosexual, when no such benefit were given to a long time roommate of a
heterosexual.
"If it is constitutionally permissible for a State to make homosexual
conduct criminal, surely it is constitutionally permissible for a State to
enact other laws merely disfavoring homosexual conduct.... [Thus] it is
constitutionally permissible for a State to adopt a provision not even
disfavoring homosexual conduct, but merely prohibiting all levels of state
government from bestowing special protections upon homosexual conduct."
If it is acceptable, under Bowers v. Hardwick,
"...to criminalize the [homosexual] conduct, surely it is rational to deny
special favor and protection to those with a self avowed tendency or desire to
engage in the conduct." -- i.e. celibate persons with a homosexual
orientation.
"No principle set forth in the Constitution, nor even any imagined by
this Court in the past 200 years, prohibits what Colorado has done here."
Amendment 2 "...put directly, to all the citizens of the State, the
question: Should homosexuality be given special protection? They answered no.
The Court today asserts that this most democratic of procedures is
unconstitutional. Lacking any cases to establish that facially absurd
proposition, it simply asserts that it must be unconstitutional, because it
has never happened before."
Justice Scalia drew an analogy between homosexuals and polygamists. Many
state constitutions specifically prohibit polygamy. i.e. polygamists
have been singled out for "more severe treatment than merely denial of
favored status." He submits that the logic in the majority ruling could
also be used to legalize multiple marriages.
He referred to Amendment 2 as "Colorado's reasonable effort to preserve
traditional American moral values."
He concludes: "Today's opinion has no foundation in American
constitutional law, and barely pretends to. The people of Colorado have
adopted an entirely reasonable provision which does not even disfavor
homosexuals in any substantive sense, but merely denies them preferential
treatment. Amendment 2 is designed to prevent piecemeal deterioration of the
sexual morality favored by a majority of Coloradans, and is not only an
appropriate means to that legitimate end, but a means that Americans have
employed before. Striking it down is an act, not of judicial judgment, but of
political will. I dissent."
Amendment 2 from the perspective of history:
According to a 2002-SEP article in the Denver Post, there were a number of
long-term reactions to the passage of Amendment 2 -- some of which may not have
been anticipated at the time:
Colorado became widely referred to as "The Hate State."
The Amendment caused "...a landmark pro-gay Supreme Court ruling voiding
the law..." which had nation-wide consequences.
It "prodded so many gays out of the closet they now feel they're
winning the social wars."
"...some of Colorado's most conservative political voices now
acknowledge that by attacking homosexuality so openly in the 1992 election,
they awakened their enemies and weakened their supporters with early
victories."
Polls show that almost 90 percent of American adults now favor equal job
protections for gays and lesbians. 6
David Smith, spokesperson for the gay-positive Human Rights Campaign
said in 2002: "The effort to achieve equality for gay people is moving forward on a
number of fronts. More and more people feel safe and secure coming out and
identifying themselves as gay. That coming out of the closet was from Amendment
2 and all the subsequent organizing. Sometimes a defeat leads to victory."
6
Justice Scalia's dissent relies, in part, on the court's earlier
determination that states could criminalize homosexual behavior. Just as a
convicted murderer cannot claim special privileges, it is unreasonable to allow
gays and lesbians to receive preferential treatment. His arguments are
significantly weakened by the Supreme Court's decision during 2003-JUN in the Lawrence v. Texas
case to overturn Bowers v. Hardwick, and
decriminalize same-sex behavior throughout the country. Another development that
weakens his argument is the belief by most American adults that granting of
protections in employment, accommodation, etc to persons of all sexual
orientations does not give special privileges to person of any one sexual
orientation.
Don Romesburg, "James Dobson's darker side: A carefully kept secret.
U.S. News and World Report cover-Story fails to expose It," GayToday, at:
http://gaytoday.badpuppy.com/
Michael Booth, "When 'hate' became resolve. State's Amendment 2 led to gay protections,"
Denver Post, 2002-SEP-29, at:
http://www.denverpost.com/